Each student will complete an entry ticket to bring to class on the day of the lesson. Where did Muddy Waters grow up? What was his name before he became known as Muddy Waters?
In their status under the law, experiences at the bar, and, as a result, positions in household polities, women of color reckoned with a set of legalities that differed from those of their European counterparts. Indigenous people had what one historian has labeled jurispractices, while Europeans brought and created a jurisprudence of race and status that shaped treatments of women of color across imperial spaces.
Scholars of prerevolutionary North America argue against neat conceptualizations of slavery and freedom in starkly oppositional terms; instead, they recognize that a range of multiple dependencies existed across the regions of early North America.
In the earliest years of settlement, before the midth century, Africans, Europeans, and Indigenous Americans understood human bondage as part of a continuum that might range from temporary to permanent. In order to understand the position of women under the law, it is useful first to discuss the variety of unfree statuses that coexisted across early America.
The three principal groups that populated early modern North America—Africans, Native Americans, and Europeans—all practiced varieties of slavery and captivity. In the earliest years of the settlement of British America, slavery was initially a fluid category, one not necessarily permanent, inheritable, or fixed.
Rather, for both men and women, slave status encompassed the possibility of change through baptism and legal challenge; the same was true of New Netherland. Outside of these jurisdictions, in French, Spanish, and Native settlements, African- or Native-descended women in particular could alter their status through marriage, adoption, or work.
Although the English settlements, as opposed to the French and Spanish, had few legal models for slavery aside from apprenticeship law, for the most part Europeans considered enslavement to be an acceptable legal status for cultural outsiders.
Similarly, for some Indians and Africans as well, enslavable groups were war captives and others understood to be cultural outcasts; slaving defined who was included or excluded. Initially, Europeans did not restrict slavery to Africans and their descendants in America.
In North America, Europeans traded Indian slaves—some two to four million from the late 15th to the early 19th centuries, many of whom were initially enslaved by other Native Americans.
Although Native America was remarkably diverse in the centuries before European settlement, Indigenous communities had developed distinctly complex practices of captivity, treating prisoners as spoils of war, as slaves, or as hostages or pawns in intercommunity diplomatic interactions, and these norms crossed ethnic lines in the north.
If these practices appear to have lacked what Europeans recognized as jurisprudence—a written body of laws, a corpus of legal theories, and a judiciary system—Native Americans engaged in what Katherine Hermes calls jurispractice; that is, they adhered to customs of acting legally, for instance using standard mechanisms and adhering to rules for resolving disputes, remedying wrongs, and punishing crimes.
Within Native communities, slavery was governed by these legal structures and existed across a continuum that might range from temporary unfreedom to permanent bondage.
In the southwest borderlands, Native communities before and after Spanish contact practiced a unique form of slavery in which women and children were captives and hostages. Because slavery was tied to kinship rather than labor, however, the captured women sometimes became cultural mediators despite their marginalization.
Among Southern Indians, slavery was a status on the continuum of captivity. Cultural and political outsiders—prisoners of war, individuals traded as property, and even those who voluntarily came to Indian communities—were slaves who brought human capital and social standing to her or his master.
Particularly in the southeast and the continental interior, where the balance of power remained on the side of Natives as opposed to Europeans, the former often defined captivity and slavery on their own terms.
Captives were not necessarily either prisoners, property, or intended strictly for labor. Female captives among the Cherokee faced a similar range of possibilities.
Analysis and Summary of “Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass” Posted by Nicole Smith, Dec 6, Non-Fiction Comments Closed Print Although throughout the Narrative, Frederick Douglass has a tendency to skip around often and does not always follow a completely chronological ordering, the work begins with his childhood. American culture. To further the recognition of African influence on American culture, the National Park Service published this document to summarize current scholarship, cite examples of African-influenced places in its cultural resources programs, and offer a resource list for groups and individuals interested in this topic. Critical Analysis In Paul Finkelman’s book, particularly the fragments dedicated at the defense of slavery based on racial and religious justification state that black people where created by God and placed in Africa with the unique purpose to be servant of white people.
They could be married or adopted into clans; if these options were not available, however, they were kept as slaves who labored to support their masters and existed as social outsiders.
French Louisiana provides yet another example; there, Indians relied in part on exchanging women captives in order to forge trade and diplomatic alliances. Such captives could easily become slaves.
The Caddos traded captive Apache women to the French settlements; these women were desirable commodities as household servants and sexual partners, unwilling or otherwise, so slavery made Indian women sexually available to their captors, traders, and owners.
In addition, women also served as hostages in diplomatic negotiations both between Native groups and Native and European power brokers.
Moreover, among the widespread Native trade networks, exchanges of captives—again, predominantly women—were part of diplomatic strategies rather than sources of labor. In these regions, particularly in the mid-Atlantic and southern colonies, indentured servitude and slavery coexisted.
The former was distinguished by its temporary character and retention of rights; servants, in theory, lost none of their legal protections as British subjects, though in practice they were dependent, bound, and coerced. Statutes tied slavery to racial difference, a condition specific to people of color—that is, to Africans, Indians, and mixed-race individuals like mulattos and mustees having one-eighth black ancestryas well as their descendants.
AfterEuropeans across early America enacted a series of statutes that legally defined slavery as a permanent, heritable condition based on the maternal status of Africans and their descendants.
Europeans continued to trade and purchase Indian slaves or enslave them as punitive retribution in the wake of wars, but lateth-century British North Americans, for instance, began to establish some limits on Indian slavery. In New England, enslaved Indian captives did not necessarily transfer their status to their progeny, and some jurisdictions required legal permission before the children of enslaved Indian captives could be purchased or sold.
New England prohibited Indian slavery afteras Virginia had recently done, but Native American workers continued in various forms of unfreedom thereafter.
Further elaboration of these codes would continue, of course, but the law of slavery, particularly in its connection to Africans and their descendants, remained fundamentally unaltered in European settlements across North America until the era of the American Revolution.
Women, Race, and Legal Status The varied range of race and status across cultures and colonies is central to any consideration of women and the law in early North America for two reasons.
First, the proportion of women who arrived as slaves exceeded that of those who arrived as free migrants. Probably four-fifths of all women who came to North America before were not European.How did the Great Migration spread Southern culture, helping to give the Blues a central place in American popular music?
Overview In , Alan Lomax and John Work, both musicologists, visited the Stovall Plantation near Clarksdale, Mississippi. Exploring the charged topic of black health under slavery, Sharla Fett reveals how herbalism, conjuring, midwifery, and other African American healing practices became arts of .
Humorists on salesmanship. "For better or for worse," wrote consumer activist Stuart Chase, "we have entered the Age of the Salesman.
"The New Standard of Living" in Chase's Prosperity: How did the "cathedral" motif provide Stettheimer an effective format for depicting secular aspects of American culture? (Compare The Cathedrals of. the efforts of othe minority groups and neglect the Negro. Besides giving the student an opportunity to discuss the role the Negro played, the reading might be used to ask if the student can detect any pro-Negro bias on the part of the author.
Ostensibly, Fanon's primary source of knowledge about Brer Rabbit is an article by Bernard Wolfe, which appeared in the May issue of Les temps modernes. In "Uncle Remus and the Malevolent Rabbit," Wolfe initially explores the ubiquity of the grinning Negro in American consumer culture.
Wiley and Putnam, New York, have begun to publish their LIBRARY OF AMERiCAN Booxs, in size and style to correspond with their reprint of Choice Literature.
No. 1, is the JOURNAT~ OF AN AFRICAN CRUISER, edited by NATHANIEL HAW- THORNE.